AUTUMN OF FURY THE ASSASSINATION OF SADAT PDF

Egypt’s best known journalist presents an indictment of Sadat’s domestic and international policies, finding his role of superstar of the media purchased at the. Mohamed Hassanein Heikal, the renowned Egyptian journalist, writes on the first page of Autumn of Fury that he was “very fond of Sadat as a man.” The reader. Autumn of Fury: The Assassination of Sadat During the few moments that passed between the murder of Sadat and the seizure of his.

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Husni Mubarak, vice president of Egypt through most of Sadat’s rule and now presidentsaid the book includes “events which I myself witnessed. Is he candid about his objectives or does he have hidden motives?

A mint tea would be followed by dinner, In return what had the Israelis conceded? He fails both tests. Original writing only, please.

Here, substantiating the charge that Sadat was self-indulgent and isolated, is an account of the President’s daily routine:. But the real purpose is quite different; to revive the memory of Sadat’s predecessor, Gamal Abdul Nasser. A polemic written with the single-minded purpose of destroying a man’s reputation cannot be relied upon as biography. assasslnation

Reviewed by Daniel Pipes Commentary November http: Here, substantiating the charge that Sadat was self-indulgent and isolated, is an account of the President’s daily routine: He tolerated corruption among his family and cronies. After a couple of hours of this he would be complaining of the burden of business “They are killing me with work” and would adjourn with a friend for perhaps some more vodka, followed by a light lunch of cold chicken or meat and salad.

I do not wish to mention the events. Reviewed by Daniel Pipes Commentary November Do his facts match those in the public wssassination and are off judgments trustworthy?

For Heikal’s charges to stick, he must be above suspicion and his reliability must be established. This sort of attitude gives one little confidence in the author.

Autumn of fury: the assassination of Sadat – Muḥammad Ḥasanayn Haykal – Google Books

Understandably if regrettably, his story can be read as character assassination: Along similar lines, Heikal argues that “the forces which conspired against Sadat were just as much a part of the mainstream in Egyptian society as were the forces which overthrew the Shah from the mainstream in Iran.

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Even persons not privy to the inner councils of Sadat’s government can see for themselves the faults of Autumn of Fury, for it distorts matters of public record. The economic opening of Egypt in ended the effort to build a socialist economy and paved the way for maldistribution of income and massive corruption. Opinions expressed in comments are those of the authors alone and not necessarily those of Daniel Pipes. Sadat arrested the loyal opposition and mishandled the growing Islamic and Coptic movements.

A caustic account of the career of Anwar Sadat, by Egypt’s most eminent journalist The Road to Ramadan, The Sphinx and the Commissarwhich amounts to a justification of his assassination by Muslim fundamentalists in October Most of what Heikal writes in Autumn of Fury is new and much of it aasassination damning. Egypt receive the latest by email: Parts of Autumn of Fury may be true, to be sure, but how can the reader tell which ones?

Heikal scorns Sadat’s surest claim against history, his trip to Jerusalem and the ensuing peace between Egypt and Israel, for producing no tangible rewards for Egypt the restoration of Egyptian sovereignty over the Sinai is relegated to a footnote and for betraying the Arab cause as well as Egypt’s historic role as leader of the Arab o. Contributions are tax deductible to the og extent allowed by law.

Because he is building a case, Heikal neglects to mention that Egypt is today less militaristic, more democratic, richer, and freer than under Nasser.

I do not like to talk about these topics.

He usually woke up late, between 9: We read on one page that King Hassan of Morocco met the Prime Minister of Israel in April ; but two pages later, in the course of describing a meeting in SeptemberHeikal says that “King Hassan had from time to time met Israelis, but never one quite so highly placed as [Foreign Rury Moshe] Dayan.

The rejection of neutralism made Egypt a ward of the U. Heikal implies that the abandonment of Nasser’s policies of socialism, neutralism, and pan-Arabism explains Egypt’s present woes. Heikal, a confidant of both Nasser and Sadat, broke sadta the latter in the aftermath of the October war with Israel; arrested in a mass crackdown on dissenters in Septemberhe spent the last days of Sadat’s regime a prisoner. But criticism of Sadat’s international policy assasslnation less damning than charges relating to domestic affairs.

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Once a year he personally supervised “a bonfire in which all papers he thought would be better forgotten were destroyed”—papers dealing with the disbursement of secret funds and transcriptions assassiantion telephone conversations.

Questions?

For more information, click here. Sadat is depicted as a petty tyrant and puppet of American policy, a master of media politics ignorant of the true interests of his country. He says that Jimmy Carter was “of course delighted” by Sadat’s trip; anyone who watched television that day will remember the President’s dour reaction as he came out of church. The above text may be reposted, forwarded, or translated so long ssadat it is presented as an integral whole with complete information about its author, date, place of publication, as well as the original URL.

The argument’s credibility is diminished by Heikal’s scapegoating of Sadat for Egypt’s costly Yemenite adventures under Nasser and indicting him for not exploiting the Arab “”victory”” inwhile ignoring the assassinafion and political forces arrayed against him. Heikal condemns every one of Sadat’s major policies, including the expulsion of the Russian advisers ineconomic liberalization inand peace with Israel in Those much closer to Sadat than he have categorically denounced this book as unreliable.

Not even the Swiss can do that. See recent outstanding comments. Nevertheless, Heikal’s book is very readable and, like David Hirst and Irene Beeson’s similarly one-sided biography, reflects a view widespread in the Arab world. Please provide an email address. Still, one cannot dismiss as mere resentment Heikal’s description of the new rich class of entrepreneurs created by Sadat’s economic policies, and its pervasive corruption; nor can one write off his remarks on Sadat’s growing political isolation and its outcome–popular unrest, communal violence, political repression, and the growth of underground anti-regime movements.

Rather, this was a political maneuver to escape domestic economic problems, nothing more: